May 19, 2005,
Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
Press Conference Hall

WOMEN IN INTERNATONAL SECURITY
"Baltic Regional Security Challenges and Building Regional Women's Networks"

Keynote Address

Ambassador Aldona Wos, M.D.

Thank you very much. And thank you all for being here today. I am so honored to be in a room with so many women security policy experts! I truly admire the mission of WIIS, (pronounced "WISE") which is to promote women experts and give them a voice in policy making and the recognition and respect in their professions that they so much deserve.

This is truly an historic time to be holding this particular conference on Baltic Regional Security. As most of you know, just yesterday, Estonia and the Russian Federation signed a border agreement with one another. It took nearly 15 years since the restoration of Estonia's independence to achieve this, but it happened. And this historic milestone marks a significant step in the improvement of relations, not just for Estonia and Russia, but for the entire region. It shows that with commitment and effort, political differences can be bridged. As you know, President Bush and Secretary Rice were in Riga and Moscow earlier this month. They acknowledged the painful lessons of history, but emphasized the need to move forward. That's what I think the signing of this border treaty represents. Therefore we should all reflect on this wonderful achievement.

I wanted to talk today about how the United States looks at Baltic Regional Security, I will pass along a few thoughts. During my presentation, I will ask you to think about some issues in perhaps a different way, whether it's characterizing the US-EU relationship, or approaching the issue of "hard vs. soft" security differently, or affirming continued U.S. interest in this region, following Estonia's accomplishment of its long-held foreign policy goals of accession to the EU and NATO.

We need to start thinking about regional security in a way that makes sense for the 21st century.

It is quite obvious that the way we all view strategic interests and security has changed considerably over the past 15 years. First of all, we don't look at what some might call "quiet corners" of Europe like this one as "uninteresting" strategically. On the contrary! We WANT the world to have more peaceful, quiet corners! Nevertheless, even here in the "quiet corners," we must think of strategic threats in global terms. That is why the Baltic States are actively engaged in confronting the strategic threats in places like Afghanistan and Iraq. But the Baltic States' global contribution extends beyond military deployments: they have experiences in democratic and economic transformation that other countries around the globe study and emulate. You see, our friends and Allies are friends and Allies, regardless of their geographical location, size or wealth. As President Bush said in his remarks in Latvia and Georgia, if a country stands for freedom and democracy, and is willing to stand up for those ideals, then the United States will stand with it.

Because the new strategic reality is that in a global security environment, no country can go it alone. When terrorists can move through several different countries to coordinate an attack on my country, we know that we must be coordinated if we are to defeat this kind of enemy. From the issue of terrorism, or fighting international crime, or in having our scientists work together on a vaccine for HIV, this region is deeply important to us. In this region we find some of our greatest Allies and best friends. Their voices and their policies matter to us a great deal.

Within the Nordic/Baltic region, we have friends who are NATO members, friends who are EU members and friends who are both. We have a great political partner - Russia - with whom we cooperate closely and with whom we continue to bridge a long complicated history. Russia works with NATO in the NATO-Russia Council and continues to build an important relationship with the European Union. In both the EU and NATO we find that the countries of this region play a very significant role in shaping these new relationships.

The Baltic States and other regional allies and partners work closely with us on a day-to-day basis at NATO Headquarters, to take on regional and global security challenges. And when it comes to partnerships with non-NATO countries, the Baltic States can offer Georgia and Ukraine excellent guidance in their economic, military, and political transitions. NATO benefits from its Baltic members in part because Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania are able to transfer their expertise in a credible way.

In President Bush's words, "The Baltic countries have seen one of the most dramatic transformations in modern history, from captive nations to NATO allies in little more than a decade." The Baltic States know how to build an open economy or transform a national defense force to meet 21st century requirements. That's why they have defense advisors to -- and active programs with -- countries such as Georgia and Ukraine. The Baltic States understand the hard work involved in achieving NATO membership and are willing to put it to the right use.

This month also marked the 1-year anniversary of EU membership for Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. The U.S. Government celebrates this anniversary enthusiastically - the accession of Estonia and other states to the EU affirmed that they are unquestionably a part of Europe, where they rightfully belong. Estonia's EU membership makes it part of the vast, complex trade and economic relationship between the EU and the United States, thus adding a new element of depth to our ties.

Estonia strove for many years to achieve EU and NATO membership, those goals are in effect the twin pillars of Estonia's foreign and security policy. They are pillars that work very well in tandem: a strong relationship with Europe and a strong trans-Atlantic relationship. But in my short time here I have often heard the argument that, now that Estonia is a member of the EU, Estonia must choose between a strong partnership with Europe and strong ties with the United States.

As I have said over and over again here in Estonia, this argument is simply wrong. Europe and the United States are moving together into the 21st Century. We share history; we share values; we share goals. We share a 2.5 trillion dollar trade, investment and sales relationship; we work together on Middle East Peace and in resolving conflicts in Africa; we work together to keep weapons of mass destruction out of the wrong hands, and we fight terrorism together. We and our EU friends are moving together, and together we take on the challenges before us. And I am very grateful for Estonia's contributions to that process.

In recent decades, the U.S. and Europe have had occasional policy differences on major issues. We had differences with some of our partners on Iraq. But today the United States and Europe are UNITED in the goal of helping the Iraqi people achieve freedom and democracy. As President Bush and Secretary Rice have said over and over, we very much welcome the views of our European friends--even if they are occasionally different--and we are listening. As EU members in good standing, as well as being great advocates of a strong transatlantic relationship Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania play an important role in U.S.-EU cooperation. It will never be the U.S. intention to somehow ask Estonia to "choose" between Europe and the United States, because no such choice even really exists.

Today, that cooperation takes on renewed importance as we, together, face what have been termed "soft security" threats. Now I know what hard security and soft security are in the academic sense, but I am concerned that sometimes "soft" is equated with "less important" or "less serious." I would like to ask you--just for a moment-- to challenge that perspective. Because in reality hard and soft security often go hand-in-hand.

Colleagues, please believe me when I say that issues like Trafficking in Persons and combating HIV/AIDS are as critical as any of the security issues with which we deal. We need to remember that HIV is a virus that kills people. It is deadly, and it crosses borders. It is a threat that, if left unchecked, could threaten Estonia's most critical capital: it's human capital. To watch someone die of this lethal disease, to see declining population numbers, to hear of a mother transmitting HIV to her infant because she does not have access to medicine, a drug addict injecting himself with a dirty needle, or a man infecting a prostitute in a brothel is to bear witness to an international security challenge of great concern.

A look at the number of lives already touched by the scourge of HIV/AIDS shows that this threat is anything but "soft." Already more than 20 million people have died of AIDS. An estimated 38 million more are living with the disease. HIV claims over 8,000 lives a day; approximately 5 people a minute die of AIDS. As a medical doctor, if there is one thing about this disease that I must emphasize, it is its transnational character. No country, acting alone, can cure or stop the HIV/AIDS pandemic. This is a global problem that requires a global response. And this cannot only be a government effort. It has to be a multi-tiered effort in which governments, NGOs like yours, the private sector, and individuals work together.

The same applies to the issue of Trafficking in Persons. Trafficking is not a "women's issue" of secondary importance. There is supply and demand--and we share the responsibility of tackling the problem from all sides. Trafficking in Persons is not somehow less important than any "hard security" issue, because, my dear colleagues, there is nothing secondary about organized criminal groups that can take a woman's passport, rob her of her basic human rights, rape her, humiliate her, lock her up and force her to work as a sex slave. Yet this is what happens to thousands of women in Europe, the U.S., and elsewhere every day. We must fight this evil together, and we are grateful for the work that the Baltic States are doing to help eliminate trafficking.

It is estimated that 800,000 human beings are trafficked across boarders globally every year. 75% of all victims of human trafficking are trafficked for sexual exploitation. In my country, the U.S. Government estimates that there are around 15,000 to 17,000 trafficked people. Regardless of whether there are 20,000 victims in a country or 20, we need to take serious joint action against the trafficking problem. Because when the worst form of criminal can operate within and across our borders and endanger our citizens in this billion-dollar global exploitation business, none of us is safe. This is a security problem and I would not call it a soft one.

But if we must have a military angle to make this issue "hard," then I offer you this. When our NATO soldiers deploy to the Balkans, say to Kosovo, with the mission of protecting the civilian population, they must uphold that mission in every aspect of their deployment. This very connection between the military mission and the stability of civil society is one of the reasons at the Istanbul Summit last June, NATO required all member countries to implement pre-deployment Trafficking in Persons awareness courses for soldiers and civilians who will serve in NATO missions, and to present those plans to NATO.

NATO wants to guarantee that its troops conduct themselves in a manner befitting the democracies they represent. In terms of trafficking in persons, it goes without saying that the professional and personal conduct of NATO troops must be part of the solution, and their training must reflect that. I understand that Estonia is working on a Trafficking Awareness program for its NATO soldiers that will be implemented by the end of this summer, and I applaud those efforts.

As we move into the future, we need to constantly reshape and rethink our concept of security. And as public servants we need to think differently about how we can solve some of these problems. We must emphasize that when it comes to security, we are in this together. The issues are just too huge and far too complex to approach this in any other way. And I so very much appreciate the contributions of all of you, in your work, as you use the strengths and examples of this region to solve some of the world's most difficult and challenging problems. As President Bush said in Riga, the United States is here and we stand with you, as partners. And we will for time to come.

As I conclude my remarks today, I would also like to say a couple of words about one of the purposes for this conference, and that is the work you all are doing to build strong networks of women experts who contribute. WIIS represents women experts in many, many fields, including in nuclear science, in government, and academia. Some are military officers or work in defense, in intelligence, in the foreign services, in IGOs and NGOs-- everywhere-- on a range of issues. As I understand, WIIS was created to give women experts professional visibility. I encourage you to continue your efforts to make a difference and to make your worth known.

Thank you for inviting me today. I look forward to hearing your comments and taking your questions.