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Remarks at Baltic Defence College


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May 3, 2002

Remarks of Ambassador DeThomas at Baltic Defence College



Fellow Ambassadors, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen,

I would first like to thank General Clemmesen and the Baltic Defence College for the invitation to take part in this important seminar, and I hope that our presentations and discussion today will be valuable additions to the curriculum of both the Senior Staff and Colonels Courses.

I would like to focus my comments this morning in three main areas relating to security interests of the United States in the Baltic Region -
  • the first is the role of the region in the War on Terrorism;
  • the second, NATO, its enlargement, and potential for new partnerships;
  • and finally, I will say a few words about Russia.

The War on Terrorism

September 11th changed my country. There is a real sense that life has been irrevocably changed by the tragic events that unfolded that day. And just as the response of average Americans to the attack on Pearl Harbor contributed to victory in the Second World War, so too will our reaction to the terrorist attack in September 2001 be resolute and encompassing. The war on terrorism has become the organizing strategic principle for the United States. As one of my colleagues recently said, "We have found our new Berlin Wall."

At the same time, this is a different kind of war - one that involves much more than military means. Global terrorists are practicing asymmetric warfare against us. It will call on all elements of U.S. power and on all elements of our friends and allies' power to combat this threat effectively.

We see two main areas where Baltic countries can make contributions in this campaign against terror. The first is to ensure that no support to terrorist organizations or operations is allowed to exist within their national borders. We cannot exclude future efforts by terrorist groups to operate in the Baltic region as they have in many other European countries. We certainly can expect terrorist financing networks to operate in the region. Good intelligence, financial and law enforcement cooperation with the region is, therefore, essential to the successful prosecution of this conflict in this region.

We are also grateful for direct military contributions offered by the Baltic military forces to assist in the fight against Al Quaeda and other terrorist organizations. Whether these military contributions are made through cooperation with NATO or through our bilateral relationships, the result is the same - Baltic states can and are contributing in very real ways in the War on Terrorism. Finally, you can help by helping others. Much of the second phase in the war on terrorism will involve helping countries develop the means to combat terrorism. Countries in this region have already indicated a willingness to help countries more directly affected by terrorist activities to combat terrorism.

NATO, Enlargement, and New Partnerships

NATO was not one of the casualties of the September 11th attacks. I simply do not understand some of the commentary I have seen to this effect in Europe. NATO proved that it was a ready and capable institution, and that its members were prepared to fulfill their obligations to one another. Within hours of the attack, the alliance invoked Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty for the first time in its history. I cannot tell you what an important step that was in America's eyes. NATO AWACS planes have logged over 2600 hours defending American skies, and all NATO allies have increased their intelligence efforts, provided blanket overflight rights and refueling assistance, and ensured access to needed ports and bases.

NATO allies are serving alongside U.S. forces in Operation Enduring Freedom, while others lead and man the International Security Assistance Force on the ground. 90% of ISAF's troops are from NATO nations, and 14 out of the 15 countries that comprise ISAF are NATO members or PFP partners.

These numbers don't lie. This war makes it clear to all Americans, as it should to all Europeans, that NATO is not only relevant, it is vital to meeting our collective security needs.

Enlargement
The attacks of September 11th strengthened the case for the enlargement of the alliance. As I outlined in my discussion of the war on terrorism, this conflict has underlined the need for contributions of all states who share a commitment to openness and freedom. All are needed to combat a threat that is geographically diffuse and that uses the very freedoms we cherish in its quest to destroy us. The attack also demonstrated again that we cannot predict where the next threat could come from. On September 10th, American strategic thinking was not exactly focused, for example, on conducting an air and land war in Afghanistan from bases in South and Central Asia. Thus, the argument today is even stronger to include in the alliance all like-minded European nations who hold dear the same democratic principles that we do, and who are ready to share the burden to defend those principles. During a June 2001speech in Warsaw, President Bush challenged the entire Euro-Atlantic community to envision a different future when he said, "We should not calculate how little we can get away with, but how much we can do to expand the cause of freedom." On this basis, the United States is viewing the Prague summit in November as a stage to expand the cause of freedom by pursuing three important goals for NATO - new capabilities, new members, and new relationships.

Taken all together, we believe that a NATO with increased membership helps achieve the goal of a Europe whole, free, and at peace, and that in the wake of September 11th, enlargement of the alliance is more relevant than ever. .

Capabilities Gap
September 11th and the military response to it has highlighted the need for new capabilities. The lack of ready European forces for use in Afghanistan created a misimpression that the U.S. did not want to fight alongside NATO. The contrary was the case. Many of our allies simply did not have ready, capable and deployable forces at hand on the time scale involved in the initial phases of the Afghan operation. This is a significant agenda item for the alliance.

The alliance must now stand ready to defend its member-states from a range of threats identified in the Strategic Concept - "ethnic conflict, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, disruption of the flow of vital resources, and actions of terrorism and sabotage." The development of new capabilities to deal with these diverse threats in unpredictable locations requires a renewed national commitment on the part of all NATO and partner nations alike. If only one or a few members of the alliance invest in the capabilities needed to combat threats the alliance has identified, inevitably gaps will appear in the alliance. Allies must be able to act together to stay together. Our capabilities in part drive our policies.

Parnerships
But, NATO's work will not be done with decisions about enlargement. It must reach beyond that if it hopes to achieve its political ends. Thus, the third goal of the United States at Prague will be to reach out and expand cooperation and integration with all of NATO's Partners. While the relationship with Russia will always have great importance, the alliance will continue to develop its relationship with Ukraine, countries of the Caucasus, Central Asia, and Mediterranean Dialogue partners. Our response to the threats of today requires unprecedented cooperation and the reevaluation of old relationships.

Russia

Let me focus in this regard on Russia.

Some have argued that NATO, and in my case the U.S., must make a choice between supporting enlargement or the development of a new relationship with Russia. But I disagree wholeheartedly with this assertion. If done properly, NATO enlargement will not create barriers, but build bridges. It will unite, not divide. The consolidation of secure democracies in Central and Eastern Europe creates a means to close a sad chapter in history in which the uncertain and the insecure status of the countries in the region created incentives for great powers to meddle and for historic grievances to be opened and refought. Democracy, prosperity and security in the region opens the opportunity for developing new and much more beneficial relations.

Our joint response to September 11 showed that Russia and NATO face common strategic problems and threats. There is ample room for increased cooperation and a historic opportunity for both sides to pursue that cooperation.

The negotiations between Russia and NATO to formulate a mechanism to permit the alliance and Russia to cooperate in practical and valuable ways on common problems are making progress. This will be one many steps along a path of converging interests that is opening to us.

This is also an opportunity for this region, if both the Baltic States and Russia move to seize it. As the Baltic States increasingly integrate with western institutions, they will be able to operate with confidence about their place in a Europe whole and free. They can pursue chances to be a part of increased cooperation with a Russia that also wishes to cooperate more closely with those western institutions. The prospect of EU membership for the Baltic States alone ought to be enticing for Russian economic interests. . In short, ladies and gentlemen, I believe there is an opportunity for a unique and historic step forward in economic and political cooperation between Russia and the Baltic States and that this step forward would not have to come at a cost to the Baltic States' secure place in the Atlantic community. .

One final word of warning to my Baltic colleagues. Joining Western institutions is without question a great benefit to the Baltic States. But it brings with it extremely heavy responsibilities. The security and foreign policy agenda that NATO and the EU conduct is the widest on earth. The dialogue between the Baltic States and the U.S. will expand by several orders of magnitude. Your foreign policy and defense institutions will be hard pressed by the breadth and speed of life in this new environment. I hope you are getting ready now. We are here to help you do so.

Thank you.